Prelude To A Massacre

Posted on January 7, 2007 by Mash

 

Baghdad Sectarian Map

 

As President Bush puts the "final touches" on his "new" Iraq policy this weekend, Washington waits with bated breath for the fight to come. Having called up his Surgin’ General, David Petraeus, Mr. Bush is ready to embark on his Iraq escalation against the will of the American public and its elected Congress.

It is time to consider the consequences of Mr. Bush’s policy of escalation in Iraq.

It has been widely reported that Mr. Bush’s policy is based on the ideological fantasies of the neo-conservatives at the American Enterprise Institute. The neo-conservative of the moment is AEI’s Fred Kagan. In his report, entitled "Choosing Victory: A Plan for Success in Iraq", he lays out the "new way forward".

Throughout history, when small minds have attempted to think big, the results have been catastrophic for the world. This period of history is proving no different.

Mr. Kagan declares in the first lines of his report:

Victory is still an option in Iraq. America, a country of 300 million people with a GDP of $12 trillion, and more than 1 million soldiers and marines can regain control of Iraq, a state the size of California with a population of 25 million and a GDP under $100 billion.

Pride is not a strategy. The strategy in Iraq should not be based on a need to demonstrate the might of the American military-industrial complex. The strategy in Iraq should be based on the long term national interest of the United States of America.

Mr. Kagan continues:

Iraq has reached a critical point. The strategy of relying on a political process to eliminate the insurgency has failed. Rising sectarian violence threatens to break America’s will to fight. This violence will destroy the Iraqi government, armed forces, and people if it is not rapidly controlled.

Victory in Iraq is still possible at an acceptable level of effort. We must adopt a new approach to the war and implement it quickly and decisively. [Emphasis added by me.]

He has reached the opposite conclusion from most sane observers of the fiasco in Iraq. It is precisely our reliance on a military solution, and not a well thought-out political process, that has led us to this point in Iraq. Our failure to plan for "Phase IV" operations after toppling Saddam Hussein has contributed to the chaos in Iraq – and the time for a do-over has long passed.

So, what will be the consequence of the Kagan delusion, if implemented? If the Kagan plan fails, we will have sacrificed Iraqi and American lives for another stab at the ideological pie in the sky. However, the real danger lies in the success of the Kagan plan. Most observers have so far argued that his plan will fail and therefore should not be attempted. I believe the greater danger lies in the plan’s success.

Fred Kagan’s plan is a strategy for ethnic cleansing. If implemented, the Bush Administration will actively participate in a policy of ethnic cleansing in Iraq. They will make the American military and the American people complicit in their policy.

Mr. Kagan’s plan focuses on Baghdad as the center of operations. His plan is to clear, or "ethnically cleanse" if you will, the Sunni parts of Baghdad:

  • We must send more American combat forces into Iraq and especially into Baghdad to support this operation. A surge of seven Army brigades and Marine regiments to support clear-and-hold operations starting in the spring of 2007 is necessary, possible, and will be sufficient.
  • These forces, partnered with Iraqi units, will clear critical Sunni and mixed Sunni-Shi’a neighborhoods, primarily on the west side of the city.

    • The Shia government of Nouri al-Maliki and the Shia militias of Moqtada al-Sadr and Abdul Aziz al-Hakim have been quietly following this policy for well over two years now. Finally, they will get some American help.

    As the United States debates what to do in Iraq, this country’s Shiite majority has been moving toward its own solution: making the capital its own.

    Large portions of Baghdad have become Shiite in recent months, as militias press their fight against Sunni militants deeper into the heart of the capital, displacing thousands of Sunni residents. At least 10 neighborhoods that a year ago were mixed Sunni and Shiite are now almost entirely Shiite, according to residents, American and Iraqi military commanders and local officials.

    To prepare for the American assistance, the Maliki government this weekend unveiled their plan for ethnic cleansing, or "fighting terrorists", as they like to call it:

    Maliki’s words appeared intended to counter the perception that the plan would focus on combating Sunni insurgents. An aide to Maliki, Hasan Suneid, a Shiite Muslim lawmaker, told the Associated Press that the Iraqi army would devote 20,000 additional troops to the capital and begin by combating Sunni insurgents in western Baghdad.

    …

    Maliki’s speech provided few details about the tactical or strategic changes guiding the forthcoming effort. But his aides described an effort that relies on U.S. troops to combat Sunni insurgents on the outskirts of Baghdad. Those areas are where the Sunni insurgents plan and manufacture the deadly explosives that detonate regularly in the city.

    "Maliki believes that it is in this ring that the attacks are coming from," one of his aides said.

    The Iraqi forces would target the most violent neighborhoods, and commanders would have a greater degree of autonomy in their assigned sections of the city, Askari said.

    Maliki believes that if the additional troops can effect a decrease in violence over the next two months, then he can negotiate more effectively with Shiite militia leaders in the city and improve his chances of disarming them, his aides said.

    Mr. Maliki and Mr. Kagan are in complete agreement. The way to secure peace is to decrease the violence by ethnically cleansing Baghdad of Sunnis. Then, the Shia militias will make nice and peace will reign. Call me biased, but having lived through such a plan of "pacification" in my own life, I can smell ethnic cleansing better than most.

    Baghdad is important. It is important because the sectarian fault lines of Iraq run through it. Throughout the American occupation, Baghdad has been coming apart along sectarian lines. Once mixed neighborhoods are being slowly ethnically cleansed into Shia and Sunni neighborhoods. Now Mr. Kagan is advocating helping the Shia eliminate the remaining Sunni neighborhoods west of the Tigris River. When Iraqi forces and militias go into Sunni neighborhoods they will go in to settle sectarian scores, not to hunt "terrorists". The United States government should take no part in this.

    The path to national reconciliation in Iraq does not go through Baghdad – only the path to Iraq’s disintegration goes through Baghdad. The path to a stable Iraq goes through Iraq’s oil fields in the South and in Kirkuk, appeals to shared Arab nationalism, and access to the Persian Gulf through the Shatt al-Arab. A smarter man than Mr. Kagan would consider how oil revenue sharing, pipelines to the Gulf, and interests of Iraq’s neighbors such as Iran in said access to Gulf can be weaved together into a way forward that does not lead down a path of further violence. Instead, a small mind has come up with a recipe for ethnic cleansing – and Mr. Bush is set to endorse it.

    It is up to the newly muscular United States Congress to prevent American complicity in the ethnic cleansing and massacres to come. A massacre of Iraq’s Sunnis will push us toward that regional war that everyone claims they fear. It is time for Congress to step up and prevent any further loss of American and Iraqi lives in the service of ideological midgets.

     [Cross posted at Taylor Marsh]

    Posted in Foreign Policy, Iraq | 2 Comments

    George W Bush’s Flawed Sense Of Justice

    Posted on January 6, 2007 by Mash

    Saddam Hussein, who only a week ago was seen as a murderous tyrant, is today seen as somewhat of a martyr in the Arab world. That transformation from murderer to martyr is emblematic of all that is wrong with George W Bush’s so-called "War on Terror".

    The New York Times tonight reports on the refurbishing of Saddam’s image:

    In the week since Saddam Hussein was hanged in an execution steeped in sectarian overtones, his public image in the Arab world, formerly that of a convicted dictator, has undergone a resurgence of admiration and awe.

    On the streets, in newspapers and over the Internet, Mr. Hussein has emerged as a Sunni Arab hero who stood calm and composed as his Shiite executioners tormented and abused him.

    “No one will ever forget the way in which Saddam was executed,” President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt remarked in an interview with the Israeli newspaper Yediot Aharonot published Friday and distributed by the official Egyptian news agency. “They turned him into a martyr.”

    That Saddam is emerging as a martyr after the spectacle of his execution is not much of a surprise – it was to be expected. It is the reaction of the White House to Saddam’s execution that I find very telling.

    President Bush’s first public comment on the execution scandal emphasized justice:

    "I wish, obviously that the proceedings had gone in a more dignified way, but, nevertheless, he was given justice that thousands of people he killed were not," Bush said after talks with German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder [Angela Merkel].

    Earlier his press secretary, and erstwhile Fox News talking head, asked us to focus on the positives:

    And I think — it’s interesting because there seems to be a lot of concern about the last two minutes of Saddam Hussein’s life and less about the first 69 in which he murdered hundreds of thousands of people. That’s why he was executed.

    The reaction from President Bush and his press secretary nicely encapsulate this administration’s flawed sense of justice.

    The Bush Administration does not particularly care about how justice is carried out – as long as their notion of justice is carried out. Saddam was an evil man; therefore, he had to be killed. Whether he was killed by a mob, lynched, or otherwise humiliated is irrelevant to this administration.

    This type of ends-justifies-the-means justice leads to the abuses of Abu Ghraib. This kind of neglect for the rule of law leads to indefinite detentions of American citizens without charge and the torture of detainees. This kind of disregard for the niceties of civilized society leads to the innocents being held without charge at Guantanamo Bay. This kind of callous conduct leads to terms such as "enemy combatant" and to ill-advised utterances like "Bring it on".

    "Bringing people to justice" is not only about capturing and killing your perceived enemy. It is also about the fairness of the process. It is this process that America has in the past championed. At the Nuremburg Trials over a half a century ago, Justice Robert Jackson spoke words that today the Bush Administration would be well advised to heed:

    Of one thing we may be sure. The future will never have to ask, with misgiving, what could the Nazis have said in their favor. History will know that whatever could be said, they were allowed to say. They have been given the kind of a Trial which they, in the days of their pomp and power, never gave to any man.

    But fairness is not weakness. The extraordinary fairness of these hearings is an attribute of our strength. The Prosecution’s case, at its close, seemed inherently unassailable because it rested so heavily on German documents of unquestioned authenticity. But it was the weeks upon weeks of pecking at this case, by one after another of the defendants, that has demonstrated its true strength. The fact is that the testimony of the defendants has removed any doubt of guilt which, because of the extraordinary nature and magnitude of these crimes, may have existed before they spoke. They have helped write their own judgment of condemnation.

    But justice in this case has nothing to do with some of the arguments put forth by the defendants or their counsel. We have not previously and we need not now discuss the merits of all their obscure and tortuous philosophy. We are not trying them for the possession of obnoxious ideas. It is their right, if they choose, to renounce the Hebraic heritage in the civilization of which Germany was once a part. Nor is it our affair that they repudiated the Hellenic influence as well. The intellectual bankruptcy and moral perversion of the Nazi regime might have been no concern of international law had it not been utilized to goosestep the Herrenvolk across international frontiers. It is not their thoughts, it is their overt acts which we charge to be crimes. Their creed and teachings are important only as evidence of motive, purpose, knowledge, and intent.

    …

    Let me emphasize one cardinal point. The United States has no interest which would be advanced by the conviction of any defendant if we have not proved him guilty on at least one of the Counts charged against him in the Indictment. Any result that the calm and critical judgment of posterity would pronounce unjust would not be a victory for any of the countries associated in this Prosecution.

    It was the process that exposed to the whole world the atrocities of the Nazis and the justness of our cause. That process has stood the "critical judgment of posterity".

    So, yes, Mr. Snow and Mr. Bush, justice is about the last two minutes. The first 69 years of Saddam’s life defined who he was. The last 2 minutes of Saddam’s life defined for all the world who Mr. Bush is.

    Posted in Foreign Policy, Human Rights, Iraq | 3 Comments

    Moqtada al-Sadr at Saddam’s Hanging?

    Posted on January 5, 2007 by Mash

    Nir Rosen at IraqSlogger is reporting on rumors that Moqtada al-Sadr was present at Saddam Hussein’s hanging. In fact, he might have been one of the hangmen. Apparently, that is the reason they were chanting "Moqtada! Moqtada! Moqtada!".

    The pro-Baathist website printed the following pictures showing similarities between the hanging pictures and Moqtada al-Sadr. These rumors have been flying around for a number of days now. However, given the circumstances of the hanging, it is not terribly far-fetched. So, here are the pictures for what they are worth.

    So, what does everyone think? 🙂 Ok, the pinky ring is just too funny 🙂

    Posted in Humor, Iraq | 11 Comments

    The Demons of 1971

    Posted on January 5, 2007 by Mash

    Rediff Special: 1971 War

    Rediff.com, India’s largest web portal, has created a portal site on the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War to commemorate the 35th anniversary of the end of the war. The site offers a primarily Indian perspective on the 1971 war. There are some very interesting articles and interviews that illuminate the Indian involvement in the war.

    I was asked to contribute an article on the genocide that took place in 1971 as part of the site. My article is entitled "The Demons of 1971" and was just posted today. The article covers much of the same ground as my post from last month. However, it offers another perspective – the view from foreign journalists who reported on the massacres at the time.

    I was pleased to have had the opportunity to contribute to this series on the 1971 war. My hope is that these articles will contribute to a growing body of resources that attempt to shed light on one of the most underreported acts of genocide of the 20th century. Please visit the site and read the many informative articles. Thanks.

    The article in its original format follows:

    —————————–

    Thirty-five years ago, on December 16, 1971, the Pakistan Army unconditionally surrendered to the Indian Army at the Dhaka Race Course in Bangladesh. With the stroke of a pen, Bangladesh was born. That birth, however, came at an enormous cost. Before the Pakistan Army and its local collaborators were finally subdued by the Indian Army, they had managed to slaughter up to 3 million Bengalis in nine months of madness.

    This is the story of that slaughter. This is the story of genocide in Bangladesh.

    In 1971, Bangladesh, then called East Pakistan, was part of a geographical monstrosity created by the British in 1947. Pakistan, as created by the British, consisted of West Pakistan and East Pakistan, separated by the vast expanse of the Indian land mass in the middle. East and West Pakistan spoke different languages and were culturally distinct. East Pakistan accounted for the majority of ‘s population, yet it was economically exploited and politically marginalized by West Pakistan. Bengalis, the people of East Pakistan, were also persecuted for speaking their native language and for being either Muslims who had converted from Hinduism or for being Hindus. Pakistan, translated as "The Land of the Pure", was intolerant of Bengalis because they were not “pure" Muslims.

    The tension between East and West Pakistan began to boil over in 1970 after West Pakistan’s minimal response to the devastation wreaked by the cyclone of 1970 in East Pakistan . Nearly half a million Bengalis died as a result of the cyclone and the indifferent response by the Pakistani government. In the midst of the tension, the Pakistani military rulers decided to hold the first democratic elections in ‘s history. The Awami League, representing Bengalis in East Pakistan, won the majority of seats in the National Assembly. However, the military leadership of West Pakistan refused to allow the Awami League to form a government.


    The siege of East Pakistan by the Pakistani Army had begun. War was now inevitable. On March 7, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of the Awami League, gave a speech at the Dhaka Race Course that mobilized the Bengali nation for resistance. He began the speech with a call to arms:

    The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for independence!

    On March 25, 1971, the Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight to "eliminate" the Awami League and its supporters in East Pakistan . The goal was to "crush" the will of the Bengalis. The killing began shortly after 10 p.m. In the first 48 hours the orgy of killing had ravaged Dhaka city. The Hindu population of Dhaka  took the brunt of the slaughter. Dhaka University was targeted and Hindu students were gunned down. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested shortly after declaring Bangladesh independent. The rest of the Awami League leadership went into hiding and those that survived eventually fled to . The genocide had just begun:

    On February 22, 1971 the generals in West Pakistan took a decision to crush the Awami League and its supporters. It was recognized from the first that a campaign of genocide would be necessary to eradicate the threat: "Kill three million of them," said President Yahya Khan at the February conference, "and the rest will eat out of our hands." (Robert Payne, Massacre [1972], p. 50.) On March 25 the genocide was launched. The university in Dacca was attacked and students exterminated in their hundreds. Death squads roamed the streets of Dacca, killing some 7,000 people in a single night. It was only the beginning. "Within a week, half the population of Dacca had fled, and at least 30,000 people had been killed. Chittagong, too, had lost half its population. All over East Pakistan people were taking flight, and it was estimated that in April some thirty million people [!] were wandering helplessly across East Pakistan to escape the grasp of the military." (Payne, Massacre, p. 48.) Ten million refugees fled to , overwhelming that country’s resources and spurring the eventual Indian military intervention. (The population of Bangladesh/East Pakistan at the outbreak of the genocide was about 75 million.)

    The will of the Bengali people was not broken on the night of March 25, 1971. On the contrary, while Dhaka burned so burned the illusion of a united .

    At 7:45 pm on March 27, 1971 Major Ziaur Rahman, leader of a rebel army unit in East Pakistan, broadcast Bangladesh’s independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. With the following words, the armed resistance to the army began:

    This is Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro [Free Bangla Radio]. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of Bangobondhu Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent People’s Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our Motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours. Joy Bangla.

    Major Zia’s broadcast from a small radio station in Chittagong, Bangladesh was picked up by a Japanese ship in the Bay of Bengal. It was later rebroadcast by Radio and the BBC.

    Yahya Khan and the Pakistan Army planned their genocide well. Yahya Khan aimed to crush the Bengali spirit once and for all. Before the crackdown all foreign journalists were expelled from East Pakistan. Only a handful managed to evade the Pakistani Army by hiding out. These few journalists exposed to the world the planned genocide that was about to unfold.

    One of the journalists that remained in Dhaka was Simon Dring. On March 30, 1971 he filed a chilling report of the massacre that took place in Dhaka on the night of the 25th of March. Dring reported that in 24 hours of killing the Pakistan Army had slaughtered as many as 7000 people in Dhaka and up to 15,000 people in all of Bangladesh. The Pakistan Army employed tanks, artillery, mortars, bazookas and machine guns against the unarmed population of Dhaka. Their targets were students, local police, intellectuals, political leaders, Awami League supporters, Hindus and ordinary citizens. They carried out their ruthless killing spree with military precision.

    Simon Dring described the attack on Dhaka University as follows:

    Led by American-supplied M-24 World War II tanks, one column of troops sped to Dacca University shortly after midnight. Troops took over the British council library and used it as a fire base from which to shell nearby dormitory areas.

    Caught completely by surprise, some 200 students were killed in Iqbal Hall, headquarters of the militantly antigovernment students’ union, I was told. Two days later, bodies were still smoldering in burnt-out rooms, others were scattered outside, more floated in a nearby lake, an art student lay sprawled across his easel.

    …

    Army patrols also razed nearby market area. Two days later, when it was possible to get out and see all this, some of the market’s stall-owners were still lying as though asleep, their blankets pulled up over their shoulders.

    The “old town” part of Dhaka city was singled out for destruction by the Pakistanis because of strong Awami League support there and because there were many Hindu residents in the area. Here is how Simon Dring described the attacks on unarmed civilians:

    The lead unit was followed by soldiers carrying cans of gasoline. Those who tried to escape were shot. Those who stayed were burnt alive. About 700 men, women and children died there that day between noon and 2 p.m., I was told.

    …

    In the Hindi area of the old town, the soldiers reportedly made the people come out of their houses and shot them in groups. The area, too, was eventually razed.

    The troops stayed on in force in the old city until about 11 p.m. on the night of Friday, March 26, driving around with local Bengali informers. The soldiers would fire a flare and the informer would point out the houses of Awami League supporters. The house would then be destroyed – either with direct fire from tanks or recoilless rifles or with a can of gasoline, witnesses said.

    After having massacred 15,000 unarmed civilians in a single day, the Pakistani soldiers were feeling their oats. They bragged about their invincibility to Simon Dring:

    “These bugger men,” said one Punjabi lieutenant, “could not kill us if they tried.”

    “Things are much better now,” said another officer. “Nobody can speak out or come out. If they do we will kill them – they have spoken enough – they are traitors, and we are not. We are fighting in the name of God and a united Pakistan.”

    In the name of God and a united Pakistan, genocide had just begun.

    The Pakistanis began their killing spree in the major cities of Dhaka, Chittagong and Comilla. However, as terrified Bengalis fled to the countryside, the Pakistani Army followed. Pakistan began to fly in additional troops into Bangladesh to continue the genocidal campaign. The goal was the extermination of the Bengali nation. Hindus in particular were targeted for extermination. Bengali Muslims, however, did not escape the Pakistani killing machine since Bengali Muslims were considered “tainted” by their Bengali/Hindu culture. In the face of the ongoing massacres, a guerilla army formed under the leadership of rebel Bengali military officers and organized student activists. This guerilla army, known as the Mukti Bahini in Bengali, fought a war of attrition with the Pakistani army until December, 1971. The Mukti Bahini received training and support from the Indian government as it resisted Pakistani occupation. The Pakistani army was constantly harassed by the Bangladeshi resistance. In response the Pakistani army slaughtered more Bengalis.

    The killing continued unabated throughout the summer of 1971. The army moved methodically from village to village, leaving a trail of destruction in its wake. In June the Pulitzer-prize winning journalist Sydney Schanberg filed a number of eyewitness accounts from Bangladeshi towns for the New York Times. In response, the Pakistan Army expelled him from the country on June 30, 1971.

    Schanberg described the systematic subjugation and killing of Bengalis:

    Army trucks roll through the half-deserted streets of the capital of East Pakistan these days, carrying “antistate” prisoners to work-sites for hard labor. Their heads are shaved and they wear no shoes and no clothes except for shorts – all making escape difficult.

    …

    Street designations are being changed to remove all Hindu names as well as those of Bengali Moslem nationalists as part of a campaign to stamp out Bengali culture. Shankari Bazar Road in Dacca is now Tikka Khan Road, after the lieutenant general governor of East Pakistan and whom most Bengalis call “the Butcher.”

    …

    Since the offensive began the troops have killed countless thousands of Bengalis – foreign diplomats estimate at least 200,000 to 250,000 – many in massacres. Although the targets were Bengali Moslems and the 10 million Hindus at first, the army is now concentrating on Hindus in what foreign observers characterize as a holy war.

    …

    Of the more than six million Bengalis who are believed to have fled to India to escape the army’s terror, at least four million are Hindus. The troops are still killing Hindus and burning and looting their villages.

    When the burden of the killing became too much for the army, the Pakistanis enlisted and trained paramilitary units made up of non-Bengali Muslims and Bengali collaborators from right-wing religious parties. These paramilitary units, the al-Badr and al-Shams, worked as informers and assassins to augment the military’s gruesome task of killing Bengalis. In June 1971 Sydney Schanberg reported on the formation of these units:

    Throughout East Pakistan the Army is training new paramilitary home guards or simply arming “loyal” civilians, some of whom are formed into peace committees. Besides Biharis and other non-Bengali, Urdu-speaking Moslems, the recruits include the small minority of Bengali Moslems who have long supported the army – adherents of the right-wing religious parties such as the Moslem League and Jamaat-e-Islami.

    Collectively known as the Razakars, the paramilitary units spread terror throughout the Bengali population. With their local knowledge, the Razakars were an invaluable tool in the Pakistani Army’s arsenal of genocide.

    At the end of June 1971, Sydney Schanberg visited the town of Faridpur and reported on the persecution there:

    The Pakistani Army has painted big yellow “H’s” on the Hindu shops still standing in this town to identify the property of the minority eighth of the population that it has made special targets.

    …

    The campaign against the Hindus was – and in some cases still is – systematic. Soldiers fanned through virtually every village asking where the Hindus lived. Hindu property has been confiscated and either sold or given to “loyal” citizens. Many of the beneficiaries have been Biharis, non-Bengali Moslem migrants from India, most of whom are working with the army now. The army has given weapons to large numbers of the Biharis, and it is they who have often continued the killing of Hindus in areas where the army has eased off.

    …

    However, army commanders in the field in East Pakistan privately admit to a policy of stamping out Bengali culture, both Moslem and Hindu – but particularly Hindu.

    …

    In Faridpur – and the situation was much the same throughout East Pakistan – there was no friction to speak of between Hindu and Moslem before the army came.

    The army tried to drive a wedge between them. In April, as a public example, two Hindus were beheaded in a central square in Faridpur and their bodies were soaked in kerosene and burned.

    …

    Still, there is no sign of a hate-Hindu psychology among the Bengali Moslems. Many have taken grave risks to shelter and defend Hindus; others express shock and horror at what is happening to the Hindus but confess that they are too frightened to help.

    For his part in exposing Pakistani atrocities in Bangladesh, Sydney Schanberg was promptly expelled from Bangladesh.

    The Pakistan Army and the Razakars did not stop at simply massacring Bengalis. They also took to raping Bengali women. During nine months in 1971, over 200,000 Bengali women and girls were raped. Many were taken as sex slaves and raped multiple times by the Pakistani Army.

    By December 1971 the genocide had decimated Bengali society. On December 3, 1971 the Indian Army formally joined the war. In 13 days the Indian Army delivered a humiliating defeat to the Pakistani Army in Bangladesh. The army that had committed mass murder against an unarmed civilian population was decisively routed in less then a fortnight.

    The Pakistan army, on the verge of defeat, was determined to wipe out Bengali culture in one final act of barbarism. On December 14, 1971, the Pakistan army unleashed the paramilitary units al-Badr and al-Shams to exterminate Bengali intellectuals. The goal was to find and kill Bengali political thinkers, educators, scientists, poets, doctors, lawyers, journalists and other intellectuals. The al-Badr and al-Shams fanned out with lists of names to find and execute the core of the Bengali intellectuals. The intellectuals were arrested and taken to Rayerbazar, a marshy area in Dhaka city. There, they were gunned down with their eyes blindfolded and their hands tied behind their backs.

    On December 16, 1971 the Pakistani army in Bangladesh formally surrendered. At the cost of three million dead the nation of Bangladesh was born. It was the most concentrated act of genocide of the Twentieth Century. Thirty-five years after the birth of the nation, many have forgotten the sacrifices of those who are no longer with us. But for those of us who survived, for our parents who kept us safe through the months of terror, there is no erasing the horrors of 1971.

    Bangladesh today has yet to exorcise the demons of 1971. Many of the Razakars who collaborated with the Pakistani Army and murdered countless Bengalis have today returned to Bangladesh. Some of the Razakar leaders from 1971 today lead the Jamaat-e-Islami party in Bangladesh. Still others are living freely in the United Kingdom and the United States. None of these Razakars have yet to face justice for the crimes they committed in 1971.

    Today the secular Bangladesh that was born from the ashes of 1971 is under threat. It is under threat from the same anti-liberation forces that helped perpetrate the genocide of 1971. The future of a secular Bangladesh hangs in the balance today. Bangladeshis learned in 1971 the evils of both racism and religious extremism. It is a lesson we forget at our own peril.

    References

    1.       “Bangladesh: Out of War, a Nation Is Born”, Time Magazine, December 20, 1971, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,878969,00.html

    2.       Video of surrender ceremony, Indian Army Archives, http://indianarmy.nic.in/armiage/PAK.surrender.WMV

           “Bangladesh Liberation War: Economic Exploitation”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh_Liberation_War#Economic_exploitation

    4.       “1970 Bhola Cyclone”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1970_Bhola_cyclone

    5.       “A Step in the Right Direction”, Time Magazine, December 21, 1970, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,904592,00.html

    6.       “Bangladesh Liberation War: Political Climax”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh_Liberation_War#Political_climax

    7.       “Speech of Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the 7 March, 1971”, http://www.albd.org/bangabandhu/7marchspeech.htm

    8.       “Operation Searchlight”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Searchlight

    9.       “The Events in East Pakistan, 1971”, http://www.globalwebpost.com/genocide1971/docs/jurists/4_events_march_dec.htm

    10.   “Case Study: Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971”, http://www.gendercide.org/case_bangladesh.html

    11.   “The Declaration of Independence”, http://www.bangladesh.net/muktijuddha/doc8.htm

    12.   “Killing of Intellectuals”, http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/K_0261.htm

    13.   “Indo-Pakistani War of 1971”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1971

    14.    “Dacca Eyewitness: Bloodbath, Inferno” by Simon Dring, Washington Post, March 30, 1971, http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost_historical/access/144576502.html?dids=144576502:144576502&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:AI&fmac=&date=Mar+30%2C+1971&author=By+Simon+Dring&desc=Dacca+Eyewitness%3A+Bloodbath%2C+Inferno

    15.   “West Pakistan Pursues Subjugation of Bengalis” by Sydney Schanberg, New York Times, July 14, 1971, http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F50C1FFD395C1A7493C6A8178CD85F458785F9

    16.   “Hindus Are Targets of Army Terror  in an East Pakistani Town” by Sydney Schanberg, New York Times, July 4, 1971, http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F60F12FD3D5E127A93C6A9178CD85F458785F9

    17.   “The Rapes of Bangladesh” by Aubrey Menon, New York Times, July 23, 1972, http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA091EF93E5E127A93C1AB178CD85F468785F9

    18.   “Motiur Rahman Nizami”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Motiur_Rahman_Nizami

    19.   “A Journalist Is Linked To Murder of Bengalis” by Fox Butterfield, New York Times, January 3, 1972, http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB071FFC3C591A7493C1A9178AD85F468785F9

    20.   “Act Now for Trial of three war criminals of the Bangladesh liberation war in 1971”, http://www.sacw.net/i_aii/pag_x.html

     

    Posted in Bangladesh, Bangladesh Liberation War, Human Rights, Published Articles | 6 Comments

    Our New Senator

    Posted on January 5, 2007 by Mash

    Jim

    Jim Webb was sworn in today as United States Senator from Virginia.

    Posted in Politics | Comments Off on Our New Senator