August 2007
Monthly Archive
Thu Aug 30 2007 11:39 pm

[Click image above to enlarge]
[Cross posted at E-Bangladesh]
During last week’s mass protests in Bangladesh a demonstrator, possibly a student, lunged toward a Bangladesh army man with his feet raised in anger. The army man was running in fear to escape the fury all around him. A photographer from the Daily Star newspaper captured the moment in a dramatic photograph that has stripped bare the iron fist of the Bangladesh military. The man flying through the air is Bangladesh’s "Tank Man". Just like "Tank Man" today his whereabouts are unknown. The Bangladesh military hunts him.
The BBC has labeled the image the "photo the Bangladesh military cannot stand." To the army the image represents humiliation. So the army struck back in revenge. Students were pulled out of apartments and beaten publicly, journalists were detained and beaten mercilessly, and five prominent university professors were detained and tortured.
Today two of the professors, Dr. M. Anwar Hossain and Dr. Harun-ur-Rashid, were brought back to court to extend their interrogation (torture) period by another four days. Under the military’s watchful eye, the judge ordered them returned to custody for further interrogation. In court the two professors protested of torture, which the judge refused to enter into the record:
The two teachers of Dhaka University, detained in the wake of last week’s violent student protests, told a court on Thursday that they were taken to an unknown place after being picked up, kept there blindfolded and tortured and urged the court not sent them back to the ‘dark room’.
…
‘We were taken to an unknown place blindfolded, where we were tortured both mentally and physically by the law enforcers,’ Professor Harun-or-Rashid, dean of social sciences of Dhaka University, told the court.
‘The torture we have suffered is beyond description,’ he said adding that he could neither sleep nor take food in the four days on remand
…
Narrating the torture they allegedly faced on remand, Professor Anwar Hossain, dean of bio-sciences, told the court, ‘We were not at fault, but we have been torture mentally and physically in a dark room—the place where I was taken once before in 1976.’
‘We have also seen others arrested in connection with the university incidents being tortured there.’
He said, ‘We appeal to you [court] not to send us back to the dark room…It will be injustice if we are forced to go there again.’
Tonight they are back in the grip of the Bangladesh army.
Outside court today, the Bangladesh army got what it wanted from the two professors. They both apologized to the army.
Dr. Hossain said:
"It’s an unwarranted incident. Today’s military is not the same as the Pakistani army in 1971. I’m sorry about the attitude shown to the army. Our army has a glorious history. They are symbols of sovereignty, security and unity. We understand it very easily that how they would feel and what their reactions would be if somebody attacks the army in uniform. We also feel dishonoured seeing the insult meted out to an army man in uniform. The attacks on the army meant attacks on the sovereignty of the country. I am deeply sorry for the attacks that made the army feel dishonoured and dented their self-respect. As the general secretary of DUTA and as a guardian of students, I apologise to all, from a respectable soldier to the army chief. There is no shame in seeking forgiveness. It brings glory. I think what I am saying will console the army in their grievances and sadness." [Emphasis added.]
Dr. Rashid added:
"The attacks on the army in uniform are really unfortunate. I seek forgiveness from all in the army—from the army chief to the soldier on behalf of students." [Emphasis added.]
Torture made the professors "apologize" and seek "forgiveness". Torture exposed the Bangladesh military strongman, General Moeen U Ahmed, as a vindictive vengeful man, afraid of the unarmed citizens of Bangladesh.
To dispel any notion that the beatings and the torture being doled out by the Bangladesh military is anything but revenge, Mainul Hosein, the Information and Law Advisor of the Bangladesh military government told the BBC:
"You have seen how they kicked a uniformed man belonging to the armed forces, how they burnt the effigy of the army chief General Moeen U Ahmed. Its Ok as long as they criticize or burn the effigy of us, the civil leadership; but with what plan do they kick a uniformed man or burn the effigy of the army chief? I believe this is a very dangerous plan.” [translation based on Rumi Ahmed]
It is all about the picture.
One hundred and fifty million people are now living under the force of arms. The Bangladesh military has created a climate of fear. It is now ruling by intimidation and by thuggery. Yet it has exposed itself to be fearful and weak. It fears the common man in sandals. It fears the boot - the same boot it uses to torture the citizens of Bangladesh. In all its might, it has managed to beat an "apology" out of two unarmed old men. That is weakness.
Remember the picture.
anwar hossain
bangladesh
censorship
coup
harun ur rashid
moeen u ahmed
torture
Tue Aug 28 2007 10:38 pm
[Cross posted at E-Bangladesh]

On August 26, the British High Commissioner to Bangladesh, Anwar Choudhury, apparently went off the reservation. After meeting with the foreign advisor in Dhaka Mr. Choudhury was the only foreign envoy to face the media. He apparently had a lot to say.
He described the protests and riots last week in Bangladesh as something "sinister". The Daily Star quoted him as follows:
"Our assessment from what we have heard is that it was initially spontaneous and then it was not. It became much more than the incident. It soon became something much bigger, something much sinister," said Anwar to the media, adding, "A lot of money and coordination came into the equation."
…
The Bangladeshi-born British envoy added, "Most neutral people could not understand why the escalation went into that dimension and that has caused a lot of question marks among the people."
…
Anwar said Britain’s assessment that the incidents were coordinated, stemmed from the fact that the demonstrations continued even after the government had issued an apology and met the students’ initial demands by withdrawing the army camp from the Dhaka University campus. [Emphasis added.]
It is striking that the High Commissioner makes the bombshell claim, a day after the Bangladesh army chief made the same claim, that "a lot of money and coordination" was involved and the protests had become something "sinister". He claims that his government’s "assessment" is based on the fact that the demonstrations continued even after the government apology and the withdrawal of the army camp. There is a giant leap from the High Commissioner’s observation to his claim. If indeed the High Commissioner has not gone off the reservation and was representing the position of the British government, it is incumbent on the United Kingdom to back up Mr. Choudhury’s claim with some evidence. Otherwise the British government is simply spinning conspiracy theories into a cauldron that is already spilling over with rumor and innuendo.
The High Commissioner went on to comment on the detention of five prominent university professors:
Asked about the detained university teachers, Anwar quoted Iftekhar as saying that the government will release those detained individuals who will be found not connected to last week’s incidents, but it will spare no one connected.
It is notable that a diplomatic envoy from the United Kingdom did not take the opportunity to raise concerns for the safety of the detained professors - especially after news reports from the previous day about allegations that at least on of the professors was tortured. Instead, he sounded like a Bangladesh military government spokesman when he echoed the Bangladesh foreign advisor that the government will "spare no one connected".
When asked for comments on the harassment and beating of journalists Mr. Choudhury’s stance was even more alarming:
The British envoy also condemned the reported harassment and beatings of journalists and called for an investigation, but added that the media could have exercised ‘restraint’ in their coverage for the sake of progress of the country.
Pressed for comments on the beatings and harassment of journalists by law enforcers during and between the curfews, Anwar said, "I condemn the incidents. I am really sorry to hear about that, I wish those didn’t take place. I hope the authorities will look into it and take action."
But, when asked about the requests for ’self-censorship’, Anwar said the media was allowed to be ‘very free’ since the state of emergency had been declared. "All parties should act responsibly so the country can progress. So if you [the media] exercise restraint then it might also contribute to the country’s progress," he added. [Emphasis added.]
Mr. Choudhury’s comments were not made in a vacuum. Human Rights Watch has protested the intimidation and torture of journalists by this military government. Reports of the beating and arrests of journalists are widespread and television stations have been directly threatened by this government. The Committee to Protect Journalists has expressed serious concern about restrictions on the media in Bangladesh. In light of the military government’s suppression of the news media, the British High Commissioner’s comments urging the media to show "restraint" will only add international sanction to the stifling of freedom of expression in Bangladesh.
The British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Mr. Choudhury’s employer, takes an uncompromising stand against torture and against the suppression of freedom of expression. Regarding torture, the FCO states on its website:
Torture is one of the most abhorrent violations of human rights and human dignity. Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ‘No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment’. Yet torture continues to be inflicted on men, women and children around the world.
International action against torture has been a priority of the Government since the launch of the UK Anti-Torture Initiative in 1998. The Government’s position on torture has always been very clear. We unreservedly condemn its use as a matter of fundamental principle. The UK is committed to combating torture globally, and continues to implement an active campaign to help eradicate it. The UK is one of the most active countries in the world on this subject. We continue to work hard with our international partners to eradicate this abhorrent practice. This includes efforts to strengthen UN and other international mechanisms, diplomatic activity such as lobbying, and funding project work. [Emphasis added.]
Regarding freedom of expression, the FCO website quotes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and states:
‘Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through and media and regardless of frontiers.’
- Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Freedom of expression and opinion is a foundation without which many other basic human rights cannot be enjoyed. Allowing people to publicly investigate and report on human rights abuses makes it much harder for those responsible for them to hide behind a veil of silence and ignorance. Similarly freedom of expression makes a valuable contribution to other key areas of concern – good governance, rule of law and democracy. The media has a vital role in scrutinising and evaluating the actions of government, forcing them to manage resources and set policies in a transparent and equitable way. And without journalists having the right to report on court cases and legal judgements, it would be much harder to guarantee an independent and fair judicial process. Finally, the ability to hold, exchange and challenge the opinions of yourself and others is a necessary component of a functioning democracy.
Governments have a duty to eliminate barriers to freedom of expression and information, and to create an environment in which free speech and free media flourish. Media professionals should be able to work freely without fear of intimidation, violence or imprisonment. Sadly, there are still many countries around the world in which governments stifle dissent and criticism or fail to prevent other groups from targeting the media. A free and independent media requires governments to provide a fair and transparent regulatory environment, an equitable distribution of broadcasting frequencies and opportunities for all sections of society to access and contribute to the media. [Emphasis added.]
The British government’s commitment to human rights is laudable. The British government has made "human rights a central theme" of its foreign policy and has taken the view that human rights are universal. When the British High Commissioner to Bangladesh claims to speak for the British government and fails to raise concerns about allegations of torture, when the High Commissioner encourages press censorship by asking the press to show "restraint" in their reporting in the face of mass protests in the country and a government crackdown, when the High Commissioner spins conspiracy theories as the Bangladeshi military government uses those same theories to crack down on its citizens, the British High Commissioner - and by extension the British government - is promoting the suppression of human rights, by its own definition.
The British government must clarify whether their man in Dhaka, Mr. Anwar Choudhury, speaks for the government or has indeed gone off the reservation.
anwar choudhury
bangladesh
british high commission
coup
freedom of press
human rights
torture
Mon Aug 27 2007 10:28 pm

Human Rights Watch has protested the growing pattern of abuses by the military government in Bangladesh. In response to the nationwide protests, the military has cracked down on students, academics and journalists. One of the five professors who have been taken away by the military in the middle of the night is Dhaka University professor Anwar Hossain. In a letter, his son has appealed for help in ensuring fair treatment for his father. His father is currently on a four day "remand" and is being interrogated by the Bangladesh military. It is quite likely he has been tortured and will be tortured until he "confesses".
I reprint the letter from Dr. Hossain’s son here because those who are holding him will try to dehumanize him. We who stand against torture will not allow that to happen.
Below is the text of the letter from Dr. Anwar Hossain’s son:
Subject: To the honored colleagues and loved students of my father Dr. M. Anwar Hossain who was recently arrested
Dear Sirs, Madams and Students of my father,
My name is is Sanjeeb Hossain. I am writing on behalf of my father Dr. M. Anwar Hossain who has been recently arrested at 12.20 am on August 24, 2007. I am aware that you had known him in different capacities. He is in urgent need of your help now.
The following account is a description of what happened when my father Dr. Anwar Hossain was taken away by the Military Intelligence of the Bangladesh Army:
At 12:15 am on August 24, 2007, we heard the consistent ringing of our doorbell. My father was asleep. My mother went to the door and heard shouts from outside to open it. She opened the door and 8-10 people barged into our house. They were all dressed in civilians clothes and carried heavy arms with them. They told my mother that they had arrived to take my father along with them. My father was asleep at that time. My mother woke him up and told him of what had happened. My father came out of the bedroom and addressed those who had arrived. He was very calm and confident while he spoke to them. He asked as to where he would be taken and how long he would be away from home. They replied saying that my father would be taken to the Shahbagh Thana (Police Station) for interrogation and that they did not know how long he would be away. When we asked them as to who they represented, they said that they were members of the Joint Forces, i.e. the Army. They also told my father, ‘Sir, we are the Bangladesh Army, not the Pakistan Army. We know that you are a patriot. Please be assured that you are in good hands’. We also came to know that two of the people who came were Commandos trained in Fort Bragg and Fort Benning in the US Army. Assuming that my father would not be returning in the next few days, my mother packed a small suitcase with several sets of clothes along with his medicine. It must be noted here that my father is a diabetic patient. This whole incident spanned over roughly 10 to 15 minutes. After this my father was taken away by them.
However yesterday ( August 25, 2007) at 4 pm, it was my father who suddenly called us from a number that we could not trace. I was able to speak with him for 15 seconds. He told me that he would be taken to the Lower court (known as the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Court) and later on to the Shahbagh Police Station. My family along with the family of Dr. Harun Rashid (who has also been taken away like my father) rushed to the CMM court. After a long wait, my father Dr. Anwar Hossain and Dr. Harun Rashid were brought to the Court. The State pleaded that a remand of 10 days be given. At the end of it all, the judge granted 4 days of remand during which my father would be interrogated. I was fortunate enough to stand right beside my father. He gave me some extremely alarming news. He told me that the Army authorities had psychologically tortured him and even went to the extent of physically torturing him.
Being taken into ‘remand; is extremely alarming because ‘remand’ has a bad history in Bangladesh. It gives the State the opportunity to torture its victims and force them to say what they want to hear which is most of the time not true.
You all are aware of my fathers distinguished career as a scientist and academician. The following account will take you to his resume.
http://www.bmbudhaka.net/fac/mah.htm
As you probably know, there was severe agitation between the students of Dhaka University and the Army along with the police. We are apprehending that the present Non-Party Care Taker Government of Bangladesh is considering Dr. M. Anwar Hossain is an opponent. They probably hold the belief that he along with other renowned teachers of the Dhaka University have conspired and created this agitation. This is absolutely false. It is extremely unfortunate that academician like Dr. M. Anwar Hossain and others are being considered as opponents to the present government and are being falsely accused and tortured.
In this context I would be extremely grateful if you could use your influence to provide my father with any form of assistance and also convey this incident to the appropriate channels. In addition to this, please forward the link of his resume of his resume to the appropriate people. It will give them a picture of what he truly is, i.e. a Teacher a scientist and a researcher, not someone who is conspiring against the present government of Bangladesh. He really needs your help.
Thanking you with a lot of expectation and hope at heart.
Sanjeeb Hossain
anwar hossain
bangladesh
coup
dhaka university
torture
Mon Aug 27 2007 9:59 pm
Posted by Mash under
Politics[3] Comments
Mon Aug 27 2007 1:02 am
The army chief in Bangladesh, Moeen U Ahmed, has blamed last week’s protests and riots in Bangladesh on "evil forces". In response to the riots the military government has beaten students mercilessly, detained and assaulted journalists, detained and allegedly tortured five prominent university professors, and in an act of Orwellian madness filed cases against over 60,000 unknown protesters.
Below are some scenes from last week’s protests and riots as Bangladesh boiled over. See if you can spot the "evil forces":
bangladesh
coup
moeen u ahmed
Sun Aug 26 2007 3:03 pm

Juan Cole reported earlier this week on a rumor that Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki might be toppled in a coup. This rumor comes in the midst of intensifying pressure on Maliki from the Bush administration and members of congress.
It has been clear for at least a year that Maliki and Bush were headed down different paths. It has also been clear that Mr. Bush’s exit strategy from Iraq rests in part on blaming the Iraqis for the mess that he has created. It is widely expected that the Surgin’ General’s report this September will blame the Iraqis for a lack of political progress while claiming "progress" on the military front. It is reasonable to expect that the new "new way forward" will involve a change at the top of the Iraqi political leadership. The Iraqi leadership derby is on.
Enter Ayad Allawi - former Baathist, leader of the Iraqi National Accord, CIA asset, former interim Iraqi Prime Minister, and fabulist. Allawi was one half of the Iraqi dynamic duo that helped get this country into the Iraq war; the other half of the duo was CIA asset and Allawi relative Ahmed Chalabi.
It was Ayad Allawi who, before the war, passed on the claim that Saddam Hussein could strike Britain with WMD within 45 minutes of an order being given. It was Allawi who found "documentary proof" that Mohammed Atta was trained by Saddam Hussein’s intelligence agencies in Baghdad.
Allawi has been tightening the screws on Maliki recently. His party, the Iraqi National List, is resigning from Maliki’s cabinet. He has hired a well-connected Republican lobbying firm in Washington to push his leadership bona fides in Washington. And he has penned a Washington Post op-ed.
In his op-ed, Allawi declares the obvious:
more than four years after its liberation from Saddam Hussein, Iraq is a failing state, not providing the most basic security and services to its people and contributing to an expanding crisis in the Middle East.
Then blames the Iraqi government and absolves Washington:
Let me be clear. Responsibility for the current mess in Iraq rests primarily with the Iraqi government, not with the United States. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has failed to take advantage of the Iraqi people’s desire for peaceful and productive lives and of the enormous commitment and sacrifices made by the United States and other nations.
Expresses shock at the chaos in Iraq:
Who could have imagined that Iraq would be in such crisis more than four years after Saddam Hussein? Each month 2,000 to 3,000 Iraqi civilians are killed by terrorists and sectarian death squads. Electricity and water are available, at best, for only five to six hours a day. Baghdad, once evidence of Iraq’s cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, is now a city of armed sectarian enclaves — much like Beirut of the 1980s.
And presents the favorite tool of all Third World strongmen, a "six-point" plan for a "new era" in Iraq. He hits all the high notes:
Iraq must be a full partner with the United States in the development of a security plan that leads to the withdrawal of the majority of U.S. forces over the next two years, and that, before then, gradually and substantially reduces the U.S. combat role.
…
I propose declaring a state of emergency for Baghdad and all conflict areas. Iraq’s security forces need to be reconstituted.
…
We need a regional diplomatic strategy that increasingly invests the United Nations and the Arab world in Iraqi security and reconstruction. Washington should not shoulder this diplomatic burden alone, as it largely has until now.
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Iraq must be a single, independent federal state. We should empower local and provincial institutions at the expense of sectarian politics and an all-powerful and overbearing Baghdad.
…
National reconciliation requires an urgent commitment to moderation and ending sectarian violence by integrating all Iraqis into the political process.
…
The Iraqi economy has been handicapped by corruption and inadequate security. We must emphasize restoration of the most basic infrastructure.
Then he goes for the coup de grace:
It is past time for change at the top of the Iraqi government. Without that, no American military strategy or orderly withdrawal will succeed, and Iraq and the region will be left in chaos.
The song Mr. Allawi is singing will appeal to both Democrats and Republicans. He calls for regional diplomacy and gradual withdrawal of American troops, he expresses horror at the current situation in Iraq, and most importantly he absolves Washington of blame and points the finger at Maliki. His message is a focus-group tested lobbying group produced message aimed squarely at American politicians desperately seeking "peace with honor".
We must not forget that Allawi has played similar tunes before to tell Washington what it wants to hear in order to get what he wants to get. His fabulous stories before the war played well in Washington. After Saddam was toppled Mr. Allawi hired three lobbying firms (Theros & Theros, Brown Lloyd James, Preston Gates Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds) in Washington, one at a rate of $100,000 per month, to lobby successfully for the Prime Ministership.
As the Bush administration beats for the door in Iraq, those Iraqis who helped engineer this war are now lining up to pick up the scraps. Washington would be unwise to buy their fabulous stories again.
UPDATE: Today on CNN’s Late Edition Ayad Allawi refused to disclose who is paying the bills for his lobbying efforts. Spencer Ackerman at TPMMuckraker is speculating that Allawi’s defense minister, Hazem Shaalan, may be the person funding his lobbying efforts because he made a bundle while Allawi was in power. However, I think a better candidate would be Mashal Nawab. Nawab is a UK based businessman who is listed in the FARA filings from 2003 as the person who was actually signing the lobbying checks on behalf of Allawi. He was paying the lobbying firms before and he may well be paying them this time around.
ayad allawi
iraq
nouri al maliki
Fri Aug 24 2007 10:42 pm

"In unprecedented scenes, soldiers in uniform were seen being chased out of the Dhaka university campus by students. In two days, the myth of the army’s omnipotence was all but laid to rest. " - BBC News
[Via Rezwan] Shahidul Alam, critically acclaimed Bangladeshi photo-journalist, has posted some powerful images of the protests and the curfew in Bangladesh and has penned a blogging tour de force:
Rahnuma and I talked of the events over the last two days, of the army camp in Dhaka University. Of a soldier slapping a student. Of the vice chancellor (acting) being beaten up by police. This had never happened before, not even during the Ayub or Ershad military regimes.
Despite their claims, this government had never been called in by the people. We had no say in who the advisers would be. It was not military rule the people had welcomed, but the cessation of violence and the fear of further anarchy if the rigged elections were held. Banana trees would have made equally good replacements. However, banana trees would not have sold national interests. Closed down environmentally-friendly jute mills. Made slum dwellers homeless, or tortured and killed adibashis protesting the military acquisition of their ancestral lands. So while there was initial relief, as the price of essentials soared, news of nepotism and the partisan manner in which Jamaat -e-Islami was being shielded soon made people realise this banana tree would never bear fruit, let alone run a government.
As Bangladeshis realise that a democratically elected autocratic government has simply been replaced by an unelected autocratic one, the tune in the streets is changing.
Multiple demands of students and teachers have been whittled down to one - withdraw emergency rule. Underground pamphlets are spreading like wildfire. With the Internet down, text messages are filling up the ether. The information adviser’s suave statements to the media faltered as he snapped, “why such a fuss about a slap or two?”
The US has declared support for the chief adviser’s statement. What he lacks is the support of the people.
The military government’s response to the protests will be brutal and swift. Already many students have been detained and beaten. Five prominent university professors have been taken away in the middle of the night. The newspaper run by the Information and Law Advisor urges some Orwellian measures today. However, the ground has shifted in Bangladesh. The picture above will become iconic - the military will not rule Bangladesh. That realization, if it comes, by the military government can and should begin its smooth exit and give way to early elections.
bangladesh
coup
shahidul alam
Fri Aug 24 2007 6:11 pm
[Cross posted at E-Bangladesh]
[Reports on the latest situation on Bangladesh from Rezwan.]
After declaring a curfew on Wednesday, the Bangladesh military began to systematically target journalists for beating and intimidation.
The Committee to Protect Journalists has
protested the treatment of journalists by the Bangladesh military:
Committee to Protect Journalists is dismayed by reports of the assault, detention, and harassment of local journalists by security forces attempting to enforce the indefinite curfew imposed yesterday on the capital, Dhaka, and five other cities in response to growing unrest across the country. CPJ is also deeply concerned about warnings to the media from members of the interim government and from the military that have resulted in widespread self-censorship, particularly among broadcast outlets.
…
On Wednesday, the military-backed interim government announced an indefinite curfew in six urban centers that had been the scene of violent clashes between police and students calling for an end to emergency rule. Though officials had provided assurances that the media could operate freely during curfew hours without carrying special passes, dozens of journalists were assaulted and detained by members of the security forces in the course of their reporting, according to local news reports and CPJ sources.
…
“The political crisis will only be exacerbated by attempts to suppress news and opinion,” said Simon. “This government must not abuse the extraordinary powers it has under the state of emergency to keep the public in the dark.”
Below is an English language translation of his post:
————————————————–
1. Wednesday evening at eight thirty. Curfew just started. On Dhanmondi Road #27, in front of my office at BDNews24.com, two of my colleagues, Pervez and Liton, were standing and surveying the curfew situation. Since the [government] press note had stated that a press ID card could be used as a curfew pass, everyone was wearing their ID cards that evening.
Before anyone could understand what was going on, two army jeeps screeched to a halt in front of the office. Five to seven soldiers leapt out. Lenin lifted his ID card and only managed to say, “BDNews…” The soldiers responded “So what!” Then began the indiscriminate beating with rifle butts.
I was busy writing the last update about Mirpur College. The previous night’s night duty, Wednesday’s all day coverage of Mirpur Bangla College and reporting from the spot of Agargaon Agricultural University’s student and citizen’s protest had left me exhausted. My typing speed was slowing down more and more…
An office clerk ran into the newsroom with the news that Pervez and Lenin were being beaten. Everyone dropped their work and ran downstairs to investigate. Since the elevator was taking too long I made my way down the stairs. On the second flood landing I found Lenin gasping for air. Another colleague was trying to help him. I asked him, “Where is Pervez?” Lenin shook his head, he didn’t know.
Not finding Pervez on the first floor, I ran back up the stairs. When I reached the newsroom floor I saw that the elevator door was open. Pervez’s large stocky body was covered in sweat; he was having trouble breathing even with his mouth open. I tried to pull him out of the elevator by his arms, but I couldn’t. Two other colleagues helped me pull him out.
We carried Pervez and laid him on the sofa at the front desk. Finding University reporter Tanvi close, I asked her to please run and get some water for Pervez. I felt that he would get better if he was able to rest.
Without wasting time I selfishly tried to finish work on my news update…in it I included a small item about the assault on Pervez and Lenin by the soldiers.
2. There is much discussion amongst the journalists in the office about the press note instructions that stated that press ID can be used as a curfew pass. A number of reporters think that the assault on Pervez and Lenin may be unrelated. Some soldiers may have gotten a little overzealous and done this.
Even so the office PBX telephone becomes busy as reporters seek assurance that a press ID is sufficient as a curfew pass. The cell phones have been shut down since 7 in the evening. Only calls from CityCell to CityCell are going through. Still the network wasn’t up all the time.
I personally spoke with the police control room duty officer. He told me that they have not yet issued any curfew passes. I informed my bosses about this. They told me that during 11/1/2007 the press did not need curfew passes. Curfew passes will not be required this time either. Besides this issue is clearly spelled out in the press note.
3. After all of this at around 9 pm, I and two other colleagues, Liton and Rommo, leave the office for home on an office-owned CNG auto-rickshaw. All three of us live in Mohammadpur. Before leaving we ensure that everyone has their press ID and that the red PRESS sticker is displayed on the front of the auto-rickshaw. We repeatedly tell the auto-rickshaw driver that if someone signals us to stop, that he stop immediately, and to drive slowly.
At the corner of the Shankar bus stand three green-colored and open-topped army jeeps emerged from the dark. With their headlights on and at high speed the three jeeps quickly surrounded our small transport. Soldiers rush out with weapons raised, and they pull us out by our shirt collars. They scream as they are pulling us out, “Stop! Get the bastards! Where are you sons of bitches going?”
The leader is a young Captain, whose gold-rimmed glasses glimmer from the light of the street lamps. He is not wearing a name tag.
I lift my ID that is hanging around my neck and say, “Journalist. Please!…”
The captain yells back, “’Please’ what? What does ‘please’ mean?”
I say, “’Please’ means, please tell your soldiers to stop manhandling us. We are journalists.”
“Do you have a curfew pass?”
“No. Press note said press ID is sufficient. Curfew pass is not needed.”
“We haven’t received the press note. Get in the jeep!”
At his signal, the soldiers grabbed us by our collars and put us in the jeep. In the meantime a few other soldiers beat a few pedestrians with rifle butts and batons and put them in the jeeps. When some of them took too much time getting in the jeeps they were kicked by the soldiers.
The jeep starts to travel toward the army camp near Mohammadpur Medical College. I recall that this is where the Pakistani army and their collaborators, Al Badr, Al Shams and Rajakars, set up their camp in 1971.
4. After only traveling a little distance a soldier from the jeep signaled a motorcycle rider to stop. The motorcycle rider failed to stop immediately and was chased by the jeep and forced to stop. The soldiers jump out of the jeeps. One group stays behind to guard us. The remainder split up into two groups and surround the motorcycle rider. One group starts to dismantle his motorcycle with their rifles. The other group throws the motorcycle rider to the ground and starts to beat him with the butts of their rifles, with batons and with their boots.
The old man did not get the chance to display his ID card. He just kept screaming in pain, “Don’t hit me! Journalist! Journalist!”
In the quiet of the night, except the sound of pounding of flesh and the movement of the soldiers, it was as if all of the world was frozen still like a frame from a movie. Within an instant that reporter had been turned into a pile of flattened flesh. Then he was picked up and taken away. His motorcycle, which was now a heap of metal, was being pushed away by a few soldiers. And the whole operation was carried out under the command of the gold-rimmed Captain.
At this point he said, “You three reporters, come down. The Major is coming.”
The dark and unnamed Major seemed tense and tired. After hearing everything, he said “You see the fate of that journalist. Compared to him, nothing has happened to you.” After noticing the bag on my shoulder, the Major said, “Do you have a camera with you? You haven’t taken a picture, have you?” I inform him that there is nothing in the bag except some important documents and pens. The Major ordered that everyone should be taken to the Mohammadpur police station.
We whisper to each other that at least we won’t be beaten at the police station. If we had been sent to the army camp, it was a certainty that we would get some broken bones.
At the Mohammadpur police station I met some other media journalists and colleagues. Amongst them, the condition of Anis Alamgir, the head of news at Boishaki Television, is dire. The soldiers used wooden bats to beat him mercilessly on both legs. His thick jeans pants were ripped here and there. The OC [officer-in-charge] at the police station had given him a few pain killer tablets. Anis is sitting there with the medicine in his palms, afraid to take them on an empty stomach.
A number of other journalists continue to be picked up for not having curfew passes. Because the OC’s office was filling up some of us were moved to the second officer’s office. When I saw that there was a landline phone there, I got to it first and called the chief reporter at my office and quickly relayed to him our experiences. I told him to immediately publish this news on BDNews24.com. Shortly thereafter we saw on the little television in the room that two or three television channels were reporting on our detention and beatings. I realized that my phone call had worked.
After realizing what had happened, the second officer disconnected the phone and locked it in his desk drawer. It was from him that we heard that the reporter that the soldiers had beaten on the street worked for a weekly magazine. He was admitted in critical condition to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. His bike was brought to the police station. Discussing his predicament the second officer said to us, “Brother, the OC is discussing your situation with the DC-SP. However, they are not being able make a decision.”
5. At around 10 at night the names of the detained journalists were written in the register at the police station. The Major and Captain returned to the police station and yelled at the OC, “Why are these people in your room? Are they your guests or are they detainees? If they are detainees, immediately grab them by the neck and throw them in the lock-up!” The OC could only respond, “Sir, Sir.” One by one our names were called and we were put in the lock-up.
I felt sick from the heat and the stench of sweat in the lock-up cell. In the meantime, the journalists started to take stock of how many cigarettes we had amongst ourselves. Because this was going to be a whole night affair. All the stores were closed due to curfew; we would not be able to give money to the police to buy cigarettes. We collectively decide that if anyone lights a cigarette, he can’t smoke it alone, he must share it with everyone; brand is not an issue.
Anis, who had covered the Iraq War, to calm everyone’s nerves, said, “We had not yet experienced jail time, but now we’re getting our chance. What do you guys think!” Everyone laughed and agreed. Rommo tried to sing a song, and I find myself in a jail cell…
Around 12 am a SI came in and said, “Good news. You will be released shortly!”
After a few minutes one by one our names were called, matched with our ID cards, and we were released by some soldiers. We three journalists who live in Mohammadpur started toward home. Rommo has a landline phone in his house. We decide that when he gets home he will call the office and inform them that we had been released.
*Note: To all fellow bloggers who have written and protested about our detention and treatment, I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude through this post.
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Thu Aug 23 2007 5:21 pm
[Cross posted at E-Bangladesh]
Today Bangladesh’s military turned its guns and its boots against the very people who it is entrusted to protect. Today when the frustrations of the Bangladeshi people boiled over the army responded with beatings and killings. They beat students. They beat reporters. They beat our brothers and they beat our sisters.
A government that mercilessly attacks its own people in the name of "public safety" is itself a danger to public safety. Bangladesh’s military government who came to power with a dubious mandate is fast losing any perceived legitimacy it claimed. Seven months of the suppression of fundamental rights and spiraling prices of essentials have brought misery to the people of the land. The flooding across the country added to the misery of the masses. While the military government pushed ahead with its "anti-corruption" drive and its political purges it neglected the deteriorating conditions in the country. Instead it blamed everyone from the politicians to the bankers to the NGOs for its own mismanagement of government functions. While the military government was looking for scapegoats, ordinary people - who barely get by on a good day - bore the brunt of the government’s neglect.
The military government created a climate of fear where the rule of the gun ruled the day. With freedom of expression and criticism of the government outlawed, perhaps it was inevitable that an act of humiliation by the military upon a student would be the spark that would unleash the frustrations of a nation. So what will be the punishment meted out by the military upon the Bangladeshi people? Will it be beatings? Will it be torture? Will it be murder?
What will the unelected rulers of Bangladesh do to the people? Already the Chief Advisor has pointed his finger at the "evil forces" for the unrest. The Chief Advisor needs to reassess the situation - his government is running out of scapegoats.
Today I stand with the brave people of Bangladesh. I stand against a government that would rather beat its own people then provide for their welfare. Today we must demand that this government restrain its forces from unleashing thuggery against its own people. To be silent is to be complicit.
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Tue Aug 21 2007 7:07 am

UPDATES BELOW AS EVENTS UNFOLD
It started yesterday when army men who rule now by the gun in Bangladesh behaved as is their nature:
The initial cause of the demonstrations was an incident around 3.30pm yesterday when army personnel mercilessly beat three DU [Dhaka University] students and humiliated a teacher over a petty dispute concerning comments passed by spectators watching a soccer match on the university gymnasium ground where an army camp is situated.
The soccer match was between the departments of public administration and journalism. During a penalty shoot Mehedi Mohammad, a student of the public administration department stood up in front of a group of army personnel, obscuring their view.
Army members allegedly abused him verbally and asked him to move before beginning to beat Mehedi and his friends.
Mehedi along with Shafiq and Lucas all MSS students of public administration, and Dipu, a third year student of the same department, were taken to DMCH for treatment.
As Mubashsher Munayem, a teacher of public administration tried to stop the incident, the army personnel humiliated him too.
Events escalated from there as Dhaka University turned into a battlefield as police with rubber bullets fought running street battles with unarmed university students as frustration and anger with Bangladesh’s current military regime started to boil over. The students demanded the removal of an army camp set up within the Dhaka University campus, like many other places around the capital, since the army takeover of Bangladesh. Over 150 students were injured during the running street battles. Just before midnight an army Brigedier General arrived on campus to speak to the students. He pretended to be a professor as he approached the students. When the students recognized him they chased him off campus. Army generals do not take well to being humiliated.
Today the violence and protests have spread to at least four other universities around the country. There are reports of students burning effigies of Moeen U Ahmed, the army general who heads the military regime in Bangladesh.
Whether these protests are contained or spread into a fullscale protest against military rule remains to be seen. The situation is extremely fluid and changes hour to hour. Bangladesh has been on the brink as the military has been steadily consolidating control over the country in the last seven months. There is potential for more draconian measures by the Bangladesh military in response to open defiance by the students. There is also a potential of a counter-coup as enterprising junior officers of the military decide they are better megalomaniacs than the general in charge now.
There are bloody days ahead for Bangladesh as democracy continues to be strangled.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 6:53 AM): The situation has gone from bad to worse. Protests and rioting apparently have spread throughout the country and is not limited to university campuses. The government will apparently impose an indefinite curfew at 8Pm Bangladesh time today. I am still trying to confirm this. Bangladeshi blogger ShadaKalo ominously reports the following:
The 3 service chiefs met with US and UK embassy officials and UN officials for an all-nighter. The martial-law question came up, and was put on hold for the time being but that option is not off the table.
News reports are sketchy and not all information coming out of Bangladesh is accurate. I will update as more details are confirmed.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 7:43 AM): According to news reports, government has imposed a curfew beginning at 8PM. The government has ordered all universities closed and dormitories vacated by 8PM but Dhaka University Vice Chancellor is resisting the order. BDNews24 reports the following:
Dhaka, Aug 22 (bdnews24.com) – The government Wednesday ordered all universities across the country and colleges in divisional towns to shut indefinitely.
Students have been asked to vacate dormitories by 8:00pm Wednesday.
But Dhaka University acting vice chanecellor AFM Yusuf Haider said the DU did not take any decision for dormitory vacation.
"Any decision asking students to leave dormitories has to be made by the university administration," he said.
Meantime, students took to the streets proetsting the order for a curfew and hall vacation.
Secretary of DU Teachers Association Anwar Hossain said the government cannot make such a decision. "Dhaka University is an autonomous body," he said.
All decisions must be made by the DU syndicate, he asserted.
Commenter on E-Bangladesh is reporting that Mainul Hossein, outspoken Law Advisor to the government, was humiliated on air by CSB television:
The female newsreader made a fool of Moinul.
He was on live news with her. He said all the students from the dorms asked to leave their rooms. She asked is it practical to ask them to leave now when it’s almost 5pm and a curfew’s being declared from 8pm? How will all the students from very far able to go home? He just went silent and cut off the lines. Then a claps heard in CSB news studio!
CTG is plotting to arrest students tonight. Since most of them will not be able to leave their dorms, police may attack them later at night. They are planning to switch off power of DU area from 8pm.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 8:00 AM): Translating from Somewhere in… (in Bengali), Rezwan reporting that cell phone networks are being shut down from 6pm to 9pm (Bangladesh time) in Bangladesh. This is an ominous sign of an impending military crackdown.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 8:37 AM): BBC now reporting on the indefinite curfew and the spreading protests and violence. One person reported dead in the rioting so far:
Correspondents say the protests are growing, with non-students now joining in.
The BBC’s Qadir Kallol in Dhaka says slum dwellers, shop keepers, rickshaw pullers and businessmen joined stone-throwing students in violent and bloody demonstrations.
They confronted police who baton charged them and fired tear gas.
Our correspondent says the protests appear to be growing more violent across the country, and are turning into a popular movement demanding the immediate restoration of democracy.
The first casualty of the unrest was a rickshaw puller killed during rioting on Wednesday in the north-western town of Rajshahi, officials said.
Police are accused of using tear gas indiscriminately, at one point on Tuesday even firing it into a female students’ dormitory at Dhaka University to prevent them from joining the protests.
The epicenter of the protests appears to be Dhaka University where the students are set to defy a government order to vacate the dormitories by 8 PM tonight. There is history here. On the night of March 25, 1971 the Pakistan army slaughtered students in Dhaka University dormitories in the opening salvo of the war that led to Bangladesh’s independence. If the government chooses to crack down on Dhaka University the symbolism will not be lost on anyone. The military government now stands at a cross-roads. All signs are that it will crack down on the students and impose martial law. It may choose to backpadel and look for a face-saving exit strategy. However, given that it has decimated the political parties any deal it cuts to secure its exit may not hold. That prospect probably makes the odds of a severe crackdown or a counter-coup within the military more likely.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 12:25 PM): Cell phone lines remain down. International Herald Tribune is now reporting on the cell phone blackout. Television and press have been ordered to not report on the protests. The streets of Dhaka are empty as the indefinite curfew has taken hold. Chief Advisor Fakhruddin Ahmed, the civilian face of this military government, addresses the nation at 9:30PM in a short speech. He called for calm and gave no indication of what was to come next. There is widespread fear of a military crackdown and martial law.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 3:00 PM): BDNews24 is reporting that journalists were arrested and released by the military after curfew was imposed, presumably for reporting about the protests against the government. Some of the journalists were beaten up:
Dhaka, Aug 22 (bdnews24.com)—The police have released up to 12 journalists, two hours after their arrest during the curfew Wednesday night, police and reporters said.
Asif Ahmed Rommo, senior sub-editor of bdnews24.com, who was arrested along with two colleagues, phoned the office from home after his release.
"I walked home. We were kept at Mohammadpur Police Station for two hours," Rommo said.
Mohammadpur police sub-inspector Muktar Hossain told bdnews24.com that all the journalists were freed.
Scores of journalists were arrested or beaten by the army during the first few hours of the curfew.
Army officers arrested three journalists—Liton Haider, Biplob Rahman and Rommo—as they were heading home after work.
They were stopped at a checkpoint, 200 metres from the bdnews24.com office in Dhanmondi.
After the arrest, the driver of the autorickshaw they were travelling in returned to break the news that the three were taken away by uniformed officers even after they showed their press ID cards.
Earlier, a group of army personnel beat two bdnews24.com journalists as they were standing outside their office with colleagues.
The army also severely beat Sanaul Haque, a New Age photographer, the newspaper’s acting chief reporter Shahiduzzaman told bdnews24.com.
Anis Alamgir, head of news for private TV station Baishakhi, was also arrested and taken to Mohammadpur Police Station.
Abdul Majid, a journalist of Samokal, was also arrested and taken to Mohammadpur Police Station. It was not clear where he was arrested.
Reports from Dhaka indicate that the army is moving through the city, presumably toward Dhaka University.
UPDATE (8/22/2007 8:09 PM): Via blogger Dhaka Shohor, the BBC reports from on the ground in Dhaka before the curfew went into effect. The BBC video shows Bangladeshis hurrying home before the curfew with their hands above their heads to show security forces that they are not involved in protests. It is a very sad state of affairs.
UPDATE (8/23/2007 2:20 PM): Bangladesh was virtually cut off from the rest of the world as the nation’s main data link to the outside world was mysteriously "sabotaged" at about the same time the curfew went into effect. During the curfew government forces detained and beat up a number of journalists. The government has also threatened two television stations for broadcasting "provocative" news items. The military raided several universities and residences in Dhaka and elsewhere - they have beat up students and university staff, and there are reports that some students have been beaten to death. All this is a likely response to picture no. 5 above. Look closely, its a picture of a student chasing a military man. As I had written earlier, Bangladesh military does not like being humiliated, so they use the boot and the butt of the rifle to make their point. Anyone that expects this bunch of thugs to usher in democracy in Bangladesh is kidding themselves.
The BBC reports from on the ground in Bangladesh about the fight between the government and the people:
After violent demonstrations in Bangladesh, the country’s military-backed caretaker government has apparently decided to confront and possibly suppress various sections of the population growing more restless by the day.
The caretaker government appears to have come to the conclusion that the demonstrations represented a real challenge to its authority - if not its continued existence.
In unprecedented scenes, soldiers in uniform were seen being chased out of the Dhaka university campus by students. In two days, the myth of the army’s omnipotence was all but laid to rest.
In response the government has done what military-led governments in Bangladesh have done in the past: it slapped a curfew on Dhaka and other cities, closed down all major public universities and colleges, and ordered all resident students to leave their dormitories.
Challenges to unelected governments in Bangladesh always originate on campuses, particularly the 86-year-old Dhaka University, often fondly called the Oxford of the East. Such governments always feel getting the students out of the campus is a must to restore peace.
The Economist sees the military government unraveling.
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